Friday, 18 June 2021

Creeping dementia of the medico-financial complex


["The Charlatan," Pietro Longhi, 1757] 

An act of madness occurred in Washington last week when the Food and Drug Administration metaphorically stripped itself naked and stood before us as the proud sex toy of the pharmaceutical industry.

At least this full-frontal view of its swollen, ulcerous pudenda allows us to confirm the appropriate pronouns to be applied to it: me, ours, mine-all-mine. 

On June 7, the FDA approved a new medication for Alzheimer’s disease named aducanumab, branded as Aduhelm. The approval came as a shock to its expert panel, which had voted 8 to 1 (with 2 abstentions) against it based on the lack of evidence that it does anything. That didn’t seem to bother the top brass at the FDA, which had huddled with Biogen, the drug’s peddler, to see whether the data could be resliced and diced to demonstrate some sort of vague utility.

It’s hard to know where to begin to dismember this appalling decision given the multiple forms of horribleness that it embodies. To start, it offers what will probably be false hope to desperate families dealing with the agonizing impact of dementia in a loved one. The FDA was created in 1906 precisely to put an end to the unscrupulous exploitation of sick people and their relatives casting about for a ray of hope in the face of untreatable ailments. Snake-oil salesmen used to be able to bottle up any old concoction and push it onto the panicked and gullible—now they can again.

How could the FDA approve a drug without solid evidence that it has at least some minimum impact on the course of Alzheimer’s? The answer lies in that old saw about “lies, damn lies, and statistics.” Biostatistics is a highly developed science aimed at answering one key question: do the results of a given trial (such as testing a new drug) constitute meaningful evidence for a causal effect—i.e., does it work? Or are superficially promising outcomes merely random artifacts, chance events that only appear to mean something, like flipping a coin and getting heads 8 times in a row? The logic involved is worth pausing to consider.

Statistical science originated, not surprisingly, with gambling. If we flip a coin 100 times, we can calculate the exact likelihood of getting heads 50 times, 60 times, or 99 times, assuming the coin is perfectly balanced and the flip is performed in an exactly uniform manner each time. By the law of large numbers, more data points will provide greater evidence: for example, getting heads 9 times out of 10 is unusual but plausibly random while getting heads 90 times out of 100 suggests that there is something wrong with the coin—meaning that we are should look beyond chance for some other more likely cause.

Researchers conducting a trial of a new drug will recruit thousands of patients and assign them to either a treatment or a placebo arm, then follow both carefully to see what happens. If the treated patients improve, they can claim success (depending on how much improvement is observed). But one can immediately think of dozens of ways to introduce bias and distortion into the procedures and thus the outcomes, which good researchers try their best to be aware of and avoid.

Given the billions of dollars that are at stake if a drug is shown to work, pharmaceutical companies have built-in incentives to game the system by engineering favorable data. To avoid corrupting the science, data reviewers have to be extremely rigorous and skeptical—which the reviewers of Aduhelm were.

One way to guard against manipulation of data is to set the parameters of what will constitute persuasive evidence at the outset and not change the rules later to fit the desired conclusions. But that is exactly what the purveyors of Aduhelm did: they jettisoned the unfavorable results of one study while highlighting the one in which their drug performed better. They also hypothesized that one of the study arms in the favored study had a disproportionate number of patients whose disease had already progressed beyond the point of being helped by their medication. The FDA went along with all these mid-stream changes.

In the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA), three physicians laid out the case against Aduhelm. Two of them (Emerson and Kesselheim) were on the expert FDA panel assigned to review the data—and resigned in protest after their counsel was ignored. They write: “Any treatment will appear to be more effective if individuals in whom it works least are removed from the analysis.”

In addition, one of the two criteria utilized for demonstrating efficacy of Aduhelm was improved scores on a provider-administered observational test of things like memory, problem-solving, and personal care. According to co-authors Emerson and Kesselheim,  Alzheimer’s researchers normally look for an improvement of 1 or 2 points on the 0 to 18 scale as a test of efficacy; even after all the data massaging, Aduhelm demonstrated only a gain of 0.39.

The other test was a reduction in Beta-amyloid clusters in the brain—a mostly discredited theory  about the causation of Alzheimer’s.

The consequences of the FDA’s corrupt behavior are quite dire for the health of Medicare and for the Alzheimer’s field generally. Some of the defenders of this disastrous decision apparently think that tossing vast sums of public money at Biogen for its probably useless elixir will incentivize others to do further R&D and find something better. Dana Goldman & Darius Lakdawalla wrote an article in STAT entitled, “FDA’s approval of aducanumab paves the way for ‘more momentous’ Alzheimer’s breakthroughs,” a broad hint that the approved drug is mediocre at best. (The authors also acknowledge being in the pay of Biogen.)  

Patients’ families will also rush to demand access to the new drug, especially once we start seeing the predictable tsunami of televised ads showing smiling granddads bouncing children on their knees and helping them sail kites. As with every disease in every age, people will desperately try anything that offers a glimmer of hope for alleviating their agony under the presumption that there is nothing to lose.

Unfortunately, there is a whole lot to lose, starting with side effects: “In two clinical trials, about 40% of clinical trial patients who got the approved dose of Aduhelm developed painful brain swelling, headache, dizziness, visual disturbances, nausea, and vomiting; about 17% to 18% of patients had microhemorrhages.” Will lawsuits follow? Will Biogen care once the bosses in its C-suite make off with gazillions from the public purse? Will the company even exist when it’s time to compensate those harmed?

Then there’s the vast billions that Medicare could be forced to pony up to sustain this travesty. Even though the drug was tested only on patients at certain stages of Alzheimer’s-related impairment, the FDA did not limit who will be eligible for Aduhelm treatment. Because Medicare is prohibited by statute from negotiating drug prices, Biogen can just say the stuff costs $56,000, so there. The price tag for Medicare for just 500,000 patients taking Aduhelm will be $29 billion a year.

Caitlin Owens at Axios estimated that the new drug could “blow up health spending.” “If half of the newly eligible Americans in a year began treatment with Aduhelm, the cost would be $14 billion—roughly equivalent to Medicare Part B spending in 2019 on the next 8 products combined.” Vast numbers of new patients enter the Alzheimer’s lists every year. In short, Aduhelm is Pharma’s dream drug: an insanely expensive product targeted at a huge percentage of the population who can live sick for years.

Bob Herman, also at Axios, adds that if the drug triggers Medicare’s “significant cost” policy, Medicare Advantage plans would be liberated from paying Aduhelm claims; that is, once people on MA plans start costing real money, they can be sent back to traditional Medicare to be covered on the government dime. 

Most experts were dumbfounded at the gross twisting of scientific criteria to pander to patient advocates and line the pockets of yet another pharmaceutical company. (Stand by for news of which FDA employee has decamped to Biogen as Vice President for Government Affairs in the next 12 months.) “Science took a back seat.” “Sham.” This decision does more than bend standards—it shatters them.” Unconscionable.” I won’t prescribe it.” $56,000 for a sugar pill.” 

What to make of this shameless perversion of our research and public health establishment precisely at a time of earnest appeals from these same highly credentialed personages to place our trust in them and bare our biceps for the magic jab? It is impossible to avoid the conclusion that the impulse among our governing elites to insert their snouts into the trough of the national treasury has reached stampede proportions. Our society has succumbed to the addictive pursuit of ill-gotten gains to such a pathological extent that the beleaguered brain of the body politic has begun to show clear signs of cognitive deterioration. It is no longer capable of taking care of itself, exercising sober judgment, handling its affairs, or functioning independently—although, as the Clinical Dementia Rating table says for its “mild” score, the patient may “appear normal to casual inspection.” Is it reversible?

Tuesday, 8 June 2021

Vote Early and Often! A multiple guess test for mayor of New York

 


We are just days away from a big decision: choosing who should govern our city. Outgoing Mayor De Blasio is limited to two terms; he won’t be missed. (Michael Bloomberg did buy himself a third term, but no one else around here has a net worth of $59 billion—a tidy increase from the $25 billion with which he came into office—but I digress.)

There are more candidates than you can shake a stick at though the field has narrowed slightly with dropouts. Sadly, Jimmy McMillan of The Rent Is Too Damn High Party is not running this year despite embodying in his party’s name the one thing probably every New Yorker can agree on. (He once got 40,000 votes.)

You’d think a city of 8 million-plus people could produce at least a few high-calibre candidates from which to choose, including one or two to competently represent and defend each of the extant political tendencies and programmatic visions contending to determine the future of New York. We even have the opportunity, under ranked-choice voting, to support up to five of the candidates in descending order. Instead, many of us are having a hard time finding one whom we truly fancy.

Ranked-choice voting is a neat innovation. It forces the winner to accumulate 50%- plus 1 of the total by means of a computerized elimination of whichever candidate is in last place; that candidate’s votes are then assigned to whomever those voters chose as their No. 2. If no one reaches the magic 50% threshold, the next cellar-dweller is eliminated, and the process is repeated until someone racks up the required majority. It prevents anyone from sliding into office on, say, 18% of the votes ahead of a crowded field. We’ve had endless tutorials on how it works, and we can confidently predict that when people show up to vote, they’ll be completely befuddled and make a hash of it. Luckily, there are 10 days of early voting, which we’ll need.

The deeper problem is that the candidates don’t impress. The most famous/notorious of them is Andrew Yang whom everyone has heard of—already a huge advantage. But Yang is a disaster in a nightmare on the way to a debacle. He has shown himself to be clueless about New York and its residents, admits to never having bothered to vote here until now, has committed gaffe after embarrassing gaffe, and is thoroughly in the tank for the plutocrats who are destroying the city. He also is a billionaire—disqualifying in itself.

Another candidate comes from the banking industry: um, no.

Kathryn Garcia ran the sanitation department under De Blasio and got snow off the streets competently. Does that mean she can run the city? Who knows?

Dianne Morales has good politics and a dubious record. Her staff just went on strike, and her flip-flop on charter schools does not inspire confidence.

Maya Wiley was largely unknown before the race and staked out the “reform” or progressive position. Then she jumped all over the debatable accusations of sexual misconduct against a fellow candidate, demanding that he quit the race based on the allegations of something that occurred 18 years ago. She picked up AOC’s endorsement last week, which should help. But given the city’s sharp uptick in violent crime, her pitch to scale back the city’s insanely bloated police budget probably has only a limited constituency.

Scott Stringer is that candidate beleaguered by two accusations of impropriety, one dating from 1992. He was considered a front-runner and represented a progressive tendency; he even won the endorsement of the Working Families Party (since withdrawn). Stringer is such a classic pol that he sounds machine-generated, always ready with an answer for any policy question. With him out of the picture, the field is wide open for the favored candidates of the city’s two power centers: the Real Estate Board and the cops. I can’t help speculating that there’s a connection with the late-campaign accusations about his personal behavior. Maybe he’s a creep, but the facts of the case(s) are apparently of no general interest—for most people the accusations are enough.

Eric Adams is gleefully receiving real estate cash and must have done their bidding as Brooklyn borough president to make them so happy. But he is a former cop who drew a lot of ire from the top brass during his time there, which makes him interesting as someone who might not be intimidated by them. His record on financial probity is disturbing, but at least he’s not Yang.

Shawn Donovan, housing secretary under Obama, airs ads in which he stands next to the former prez, or, alternatively, Michelle. We are supposed to forget that 8 million people lost their homes to foreclosure under Obama’s presidency while Donovan ran the housing portfolio. Not what I would call an impressive CV.

We’re basically voting the way we would swing at a piƱata: blindfolded and hoping to land a blow that results in candies for all. We really have no idea how any of them would perform in office, and maybe it doesn’t matter too much anyway. None of them will dare to challenge the entrenched powers that be unless the populace is suffering enough and up in arms enough to force them to do so. That will mean much more than the complicated levers we will pull on June 22.